he conflict between Brussels and London came to light at a time when one of the partners did not want to unilaterally renounce his traditional rights and benefits of the single market without continuing to assume the usual duties of the other EU member states. Otherwise, the creation of a customs union and access to the EU’s internal market would certainly have been easier to implement while maintaining EU freedom of movement. Now it took complicated arrangements for future border controls between Ireland, Northern Ireland and the UNITED Kingdom. The feasibility of such a construct is likely to be more than questionable in practice. Time-consuming and costly border controls are now part of everyday delivery between the UK and Europe. The conflict in Northern Ireland has also flared up again. The real negative consequences of Brexit will most likely only become apparent after the end of the Corona crisis.
What lessons can be learned if other member states also seek to go it alone? And what alternatives would there be if Brexit were to be renegotiated in the future?
Instead of talking about further eu concessions or heading for a hard Brexit, we should talk about the alternative way in which the UK could remain part of the EU. In order to do this, instead of negotiating legal aspects, the question of common interests should be brought to the fore and what each side would be prepared to contribute or accept in a future ‘partnership’.
